# One definition of algorithmic fairness: statistical parity

If you haven’t read the first post on fairness, I suggest you go back and read it because it motivates why we’re talking about fairness for algorithms in the first place. In this post I’ll describe one of the existing mathematical definitions of “fairness,” its origin, and discuss its strengths and shortcomings.

Before jumping in I should remark that nobody has found a definition which is widely agreed as a good definition of fairness in the same way we have for, say, the security of a random number generator. So this post is intended to be exploratory rather than dictating The Facts. Rather, it’s an idea with some good intuitive roots which may or may not stand up to full mathematical scrutiny.

## Statistical parity

Here is one way to define fairness.

Your population is a set $X$ and there is some known subset $S \subset X$ that is a “protected” subset of the population. For discussion we’ll say $X$ is people and $S$ is people who dye their hair teal. We are afraid that banks give fewer loans to the teals because of hair-colorism, despite teal-haired people being just as creditworthy as the general population on average.

Now we assume that there is some distribution $D$ over $X$ which represents the probability that any individual will be drawn for evaluation. In other words, some people will just have no reason to apply for a loan (maybe they’re filthy rich, or don’t like homes, cars, or expensive colleges), and so $D$ takes that into account. Generally we impose no restrictions on $D$, and the definition of fairness will have to work no matter what $D$ is.

Now suppose we have a (possibly randomized) classifier $h:X \to \{-1,1\}$ giving labels to $X$. When given a person $x$ as input $h(x)=1$ if $x$ gets a loan and $-1$ otherwise. The bias, or statistical imparity, of $h$ on $S$ with respect to $X,D$ is the following quantity. In words, it is the difference between the probability that a random individual drawn from $S$ is labeled 1 and the probability that a random individual from the complement $S^C$ is labeled 1.

$\textup{bias}_h(X,S,D) = \Pr[h(x) = 1 | x \in S^{C}] - \Pr[h(x) = 1 | x \in S]$

The probability is taken both over the distribution $D$ and the random choices made by the algorithm. This is the statistical equivalent of the legal doctrine of adverse impact. It measures the difference that the majority and protected classes get a particular outcome. When that difference is small, the classifier is said to have “statistical parity,” i.e. to conform to this notion of fairness.

Definition: A hypothesis $h:X \to \{-1,1\}$ is said to have statistical parity on $D$ with respect to $S$ up to bias $\varepsilon$ if $|\textup{bias}_h(X,S,D)| < \varepsilon$.

So if a hypothesis achieves statistical parity, then it treats the general population statistically similarly to the protected class. So if 30% of normal-hair-colored people get loans, statistical parity requires roughly 30% of teals to also get loans.

It’s pretty simple to write a program to compute the bias. First we’ll write a function that computes the bias of a given set of labels. We’ll determine whether a data point $x \in X$ is in the protected class by specifying a specific value of a specific index. I.e., we’re assuming the feature selection has already happened by this point.

# labelBias: [[float]], [int], int, obj -> float
# compute the signed bias of a set of labels on a given dataset
def labelBias(data, labels, protectedIndex, protectedValue):
protectedClass = [(x,l) for (x,l) in zip(data, labels)
if x[protectedIndex] == protectedValue]
elseClass = [(x,l) for (x,l) in zip(data, labels)
if x[protectedIndex] != protectedValue]

if len(protectedClass) == 0 or len(elseClass) == 0:
raise Exception("One of the classes is empty!")
else:
protectedProb = sum(1 for (x,l) in protectedClass if l == 1) / len(protectedClass)
elseProb = sum(1 for (x,l) in elseClass  if l == 1) / len(elseClass)

return elseProb - protectedProb


Then generalizing this to an input hypothesis is a one-liner.

# signedBias: [[float]], int, obj, h -> float
# compute the signed bias of a hypothesis on a given dataset
def signedBias(data, h, protectedIndex, protectedValue):
return labelBias(pts, [h(x) for x in pts], protectedIndex, protectedValue)


Now we can load the census data from the UCI machine learning repository and compute some biases in the labels. The data points in this dataset correspond to demographic features of people from a census survey, and the labels are +1 if the individual’s salary is at least 50k, and -1 otherwise. I wrote some helpers to load the data from a file (which you can see in this post’s Github repo).

if __name__ == "__main__":

# [(test name, (index, value))]
tests = [('gender', (1,0)),
('private employment', (2,1)),
('asian race', (33,1)),
('divorced', (12, 1))]

for (name, (index, value)) in tests:
print("'%s' bias in training data: %.4f" %
(name, labelBias(train[0], train[1], index, value)))


(I chose ‘asian race’ instead of just ‘asian’ because there are various ‘country of origin’ features that are for countries in Asia.)

Running this gives the following.

anti-'female' bias in training data: 0.1963
anti-'private employment' bias in training data: 0.0731
anti-'asian race' bias in training data: -0.0256
anti-'divorced' bias in training data: 0.1582


Here a positive value means it’s biased against the quoted thing, a negative value means it’s biased in favor of the quoted thing.

Now let me define a stupidly trivial classifier that predicts 1 if the country of origin is India and zero otherwise. If I do this and compute the gender bias of this classifier on the training data I get the following.

>>> indian = lambda x: x[47] == 1
>>> len([x for x in train[0] if indian(x)]) / len(train[0]) # fraction of Indians
0.0030711587481956942
>>> signedBias(train[0], indian, 1, 0)
0.0030631816119030884


So this says that predicting based on being of Indian origin (which probably has very low accuracy, since many non-Indians make at least \$50k) does not bias significantly with respect to gender.

We can generalize statistical parity in various ways, such as using some other specified set $T$ in place of $S^C$, or looking at discrepancies among $k$ different sub-populations or with $m$ different outcome labels. In fact, the mathematical name for this measurement (which is a measurement of a set of distributions) is called the total variation distance. The form we sketched here is a simple case that just works for the binary-label two-class scenario.

Now it is important to note that statistical parity says nothing about the truth about the protected class $S$. I mean two things by this. First, you could have some historical data you want to train a classifier $h$ on, and usually you’ll be given training labels for the data that tell you whether $h(x)$ should be $1$ or $-1$. In the absence of discrimination, getting high accuracy with respect to the training data is enough. But if there is some historical discrimination against $S$ then the training labels are not trustworthy. As a consequence, achieving statistical parity for $S$ necessarily reduces the accuracy of $h$. In other words, when there is bias in the data accuracy is measured in favor of encoding the bias. Studying fairness from this perspective means you study the tradeoff between high accuracy and low statistical disparity. However, and this is why statistical parity says nothing about whether the individuals $h$ behaves differently on (differently compared to the training labels) were the correct individuals to behave differently on. If the labels alone are all we have to work with, and we don’t know the true labels, then we’d need to apply domain-specific knowledge, which is suddenly out of scope of machine learning.

Second, nothing says optimizing for statistical parity is the correct thing to do. In other words, it may be that teal-haired people are truly less creditworthy (jokingly, maybe there is a hidden innate characteristic causing both uncreditworthiness and a desire to dye your hair!) and by enforcing statistical parity you are going against a fact of Nature. Though there are serious repercussions for suggesting such things in real life, my point is that statistical parity does not address anything outside the desire for an algorithm to exhibit a certain behavior. The obvious counterargument is that if, as a society, we have decided that teal-hairedness should be protected by law regardless of Nature, then we’re defining statistical parity to be correct. We’re changing our optimization criterion and as algorithm designers we don’t care about anything else. We care about what guarantees we can prove about algorithms, and the utility of the results.

The third side of the coin is that if all we care about is statistical parity, then we’ll have a narrow criterion for success that can be gamed by an actively biased adversary.

## Statistical parity versus targeted bias

Statistical parity has some known pitfalls. In their paper “Fairness Through Awareness” (Section 3.1 and Appendix A), Dwork, et al. argue convincingly that these are primarily issues of individual fairness and targeted discrimination. They give six examples of “evils” including a few that maintain statistical parity while not being fair from the perspective of an individual. Here are my two favorite ones to think about (using teal-haired people and loans again):

1. Self-fulfilling prophecy: The bank intentionally gives a few loans to teal-haired people who are (for unrelated reasons) obviously uncreditworthy, so that in the future they can point to these examples to justify discriminating against teals. This can appear even if the teals are chosen uniformly at random, since the average creditworthiness of a random teal-haired person is lower than a carefully chosen normal-haired person.
2. Reverse tokenism: The bank intentionally does not give loans to some highly creditworthy normal-haired people, let’s call one Martha, so that when a teal complains that they are denied a loan, the bank can point to Martha and say, “Look how qualified she is, and we didn’t even give her a loan! You’re much less qualified.” Here Martha is the “token” example used to justify discrimination against teals.

I like these two examples for two reasons. First, they illustrate how hard coming up with a good definition is: it’s not clear how to encapsulate both statistical parity and resistance to this kind of targeted discrimination. Second, they highlight that discrimination can both be unintentional and intentional. Since computer scientists tend to work with worst-case guarantees, this makes we think the right definition will be resilient to some level of adversarial discrimination. But again, these two examples are not formalized, and it’s not even clear to what extent existing algorithms suffer from manipulations of these kinds. For instance, many learning algorithms are relatively resilient to changing the desired label of a single point.

In any case, the thing to take away from this discussion is that there is not yet an accepted definition of “fairness,” and there seems to be a disconnect between what it means to be fair for an individual versus a population. There are some other proposals in the literature, and I’ll just mention one: Dwork et al. propose that individual fairness mean that “similar individuals are treated similarly.” I will cover this notion (and what’s know about it) in a future post.

Until then!

# What does it mean for an algorithm to be fair?

In 2014 the White House commissioned a 90-day study that culminated in a report (pdf) on the state of “big data” and related technologies. The authors give many recommendations, including this central warning.

Warning: algorithms can facilitate illegal discrimination!

Here’s a not-so-imaginary example of the problem. A bank wants people to take loans with high interest rates, and it also serves ads for these loans. A modern idea is to use an algorithm to decide, based on the sliver of known information about a user visiting a website, which advertisement to present that gives the largest chance of the user clicking on it. There’s one problem: these algorithms are trained on historical data, and poor uneducated people (often racial minorities) have a historical trend of being more likely to succumb to predatory loan advertisements than the general population. So an algorithm that is “just” trying to maximize clickthrough may also be targeting black people, de facto denying them opportunities for fair loans. Such behavior is illegal.

On the other hand, even if algorithms are not making illegal decisions, by training algorithms on data produced by humans, we naturally reinforce prejudices of the majority. This can have negative effects, like Google’s autocomplete finishing “Are transgenders” with “going to hell?” Even if this is the most common question being asked on Google, and even if the majority think it’s morally acceptable to display this to users, this shows that algorithms do in fact encode our prejudices. People are slowly coming to realize this, to the point where it was recently covered in the New York Times.

There are many facets to the algorithm fairness problem one that has not even been widely acknowledged as a problem, despite the Times article. The message has been echoed by machine learning researchers but mostly ignored by practitioners. In particular, “experts” continually make ignorant claims such as, “equations can’t be racist,” and the following quote from the above linked article about how the Chicago Police Department has been using algorithms to do predictive policing.

Wernick denies that [the predictive policing] algorithm uses “any racial, neighborhood, or other such information” to assist in compiling the heat list [of potential repeat offenders].

Why is this ignorant? Because of the well-known fact that removing explicit racial features from data does not eliminate an algorithm’s ability to learn race. If racial features disproportionately correlate with crime (as they do in the US), then an algorithm which learns race is actually doing exactly what it is designed to do! One needs to be very thorough to say that an algorithm does not “use race” in its computations. Algorithms are not designed in a vacuum, but rather in conjunction with the designer’s analysis of their data. There are two points of failure here: the designer can unwittingly encode biases into the algorithm based on a biased exploration of the data, and the data itself can encode biases due to human decisions made to create it. Because of this, the burden of proof is (or should be!) on the practitioner to guarantee they are not violating discrimination law. Wernick should instead prove mathematically that the policing algorithm does not discriminate.

While that viewpoint is idealistic, it’s a bit naive because there is no accepted definition of what it means for an algorithm to be fair. In fact, from a precise mathematical standpoint, there isn’t even a precise legal definition of what it means for any practice to be fair. In the US the existing legal theory is called disparate impact, which states that a practice can be considered illegal discrimination if it has a “disproportionately adverse” effect on members of a protected group. Here “disproportionate” is precisely defined by the 80% rule, but this is somehow not enforced as stated. As with many legal issues, laws are broad assertions that are challenged on a case-by-case basis. In the case of fairness, the legal decision usually hinges on whether an individual was treated unfairly, because the individual is the one who files the lawsuit. Our understanding of the law is cobbled together, essentially through anecdotes slanted by political agendas. A mathematician can’t make progress with that. We want the mathematical essence of fairness, not something that can be interpreted depending on the court majority.

The problem is exacerbated for data mining because the practitioners often demonstrate a poor understanding of statistics, the management doesn’t understand algorithms, and almost everyone is lulled into a false sense of security via abstraction (remember, “equations can’t be racist”). Experts in discrimination law aren’t trained to audit algorithms, and engineers aren’t trained in social science or law. The speed with which research becomes practice far outpaces the speed at which anyone can keep up. This is especially true at places like Google and Facebook, where teams of in-house mathematicians and algorithm designers bypass the delay between academia and industry.

And perhaps the worst part is that even the world’s best mathematicians and computer scientists don’t know how to interpret the output of many popular learning algorithms. This isn’t just a problem that stupid people aren’t listening to smart people, it’s that everyone is “stupid.” A more politically correct way to say it: transparency in machine learning is a wide open problem. Take, for example, deep learning. A far-removed adaptation of neuroscience to data mining, deep learning has become the flagship technique spearheading modern advances in image tagging, speech recognition, and other classification problems.

A typical example of how a deep neural network learns to tag images. Image source: http://engineering.flipboard.com/2015/05/scaling-convnets/

The picture above shows how low level “features” (which essentially boil down to simple numerical combinations of pixel values) are combined in a “neural network” to more complicated image-like structures. The claim that these features represent natural concepts like “cat” and “horse” have fueled the public attention on deep learning for years. But looking at the above, is there any reasonable way to say whether these are encoding “discriminatory information”? Not only is this an open question, but we don’t even know what kinds of problems deep learning can solve! How can we understand to what extent neural networks can encode discrimination if we don’t have a deep understanding of why a neural network is good at what it does?

What makes this worse is that there are only about ten people in the world who understand the practical aspects of deep learning well enough to achieve record results for deep learning. This means they spent a ton of time tinkering the model to make it domain-specific, and nobody really knows whether the subtle differences between the top models correspond to genuine advances or slight overfitting or luck. Who is to say whether the fiasco with Google tagging images of black people as apes was caused by the data or the deep learning algorithm or by some obscure tweak made by the designer? I doubt even the designer could tell you with any certainty.

Opacity and a lack of interpretability is the rule more than the exception in machine learning. Celebrated techniques like Support Vector Machines, Boosting, and recent popular “tensor methods” are all highly opaque. This means that even if we knew what fairness meant, it is still a challenge (though one we’d be suited for) to modify existing algorithms to become fair. But with recent success stories in theoretical computer science connecting security, trust, and privacy, computer scientists have started to take up the call of nailing down what fairness means, and how to measure and enforce fairness in algorithms. There is now a yearly workshop called Fairness, Accountability, and Transparency in Machine Learning (FAT-ML, an awesome acronym), and some famous theory researchers are starting to get involved, as are social scientists and legal experts. Full disclosure, two days ago I gave a talk as part of this workshop on modifications to AdaBoost that seem to make it more fair. More on that in a future post.

From our perspective, we the computer scientists and mathematicians, the central obstacle is still that we don’t have a good definition of fairness.

In the next post I want to get a bit more technical. I’ll describe the parts of the fairness literature I like (which will be biased), I’ll hypothesize about the tension between statistical fairness and individual fairness, and I’ll entertain ideas on how someone designing a controversial algorithm (such as a predictive policing algorithm) could maintain transparency and accountability over its discriminatory impact. In subsequent posts I want to explain in more detail why it seems so difficult to come up with a useful definition of fairness, and to describe some of the ideas I and my coauthors have worked on.

Until then!